Youth Protest in Nepal: A Wake-up Call for the Political Elite?

Arguably, the youth protest in the Himalayan state of Nepal serves as a wake-up call for the country’s political elite, particularly against a culture of nepotism, unpunished corruption, an unresponsive government, and unemployment. These protests in Nepal shared striking similarities with similar movements in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. In each case, the youth was at the forefront fighting against the democratically elected but authoritarian regimes, political corruption, and rising unemployment with demands for more democratic and accountable governance. In Nepal, thousands of youths protested the social media ban, imposed by the coalition government led by Prime Minister K P Sharma Oli. While the epicentre was Kathmandu, the major towns of Chitwan, Jhapa, Biratnagar, and Rupandehi (in the Terai region) and Pokhra, Butwal, and Itahari also witnessed massive protests.  Presented as a measure to make foreign social media platforms register in Nepal to ensure tax compliance, the social media ban was widely conceived as an attack on dissent and press freedom. As the protest intensified, following the death of 19 protesters in police firing, Oli resigned, leading to the formation of an interim government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki. Amidst political uncertainty that prevails following the protest, elections to form a new government have been scheduled for 4 March 2026.   

That the youth should take to the streets and protest against the ruling regime is neither spontaneous nor unexpected. Balendra Shah, a young musician elected Mayor of Kathmandu in 2022 and Sudan Gurung, president of Hami Nepal, a youth organisation have played important roles in leading the protests. Shah, commands significant youth support, with over a million followers on social media platforms and around 11 million views on YouTube. Shah’s critiques of corruption, social justice, and governance resonate widely among the youth, many of whom rallied around him during the protest. While Hami Nepal, with its organisational strength and social media presence, is likely play a critical role in the 2026 elections, Shah’s social media reach and administrative experience as a mayor position him as a significant political figure, particularly in and around Kathmandu.

These protests, driven by long-simmering outrage, reflect deeper ideological shifts in Nepali politics. While political parties like the Maoist Centre and the CPN-UML have denounced the dissolution of parliament and appointment of an interim government, the younger leaders in Nepali Congress have called for accountability, self-review, and leadership renewal. Accordingly, Nepal’s political parties are now facing mounting pressure to reform and align with public demands. If the Nepali Congress initiates the anticipated leadership transition, it could emerge as a major force in the 2026 elections. The Communist parties, meanwhile, risk an existential crisis if they fail to adapt. As Nepal seeks to return to normalcy, it is important to revisit the issues that fuelled public outrage and ultimately led to the protests.

An Insulated Political Elite

The politics of Nepal, especially following the Maoist insurgency that led to the fall of the monarchy and restoration of democracy, has been under the control of an insulated, entrenched, and entitled political elite. It is evident from the fact that three politicians, K P Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Sher Bahadur Deuba, heading the CPN-UML, CPN-Maoist Centre and the Nepali Congress, respectively, have rotated the PM post in the last ten years, following the introduction of the new constitution of Nepal in 2015. Nepal's politics in the past decade has been all about making and breaking coalitions and governments, a process that has normalised the dilution of the essence of democratic governance and the mandate of citizens. Worse, while the political royalty has kept itself busy, governance has taken a hit as the grievances and the aspirations of the people are hardly addressed. As a result, the common citizens of Nepal have been living with rampant corruption, unemployment, and nepotism – reports of the protesters targeting the children of the politicians is an indication of anger against the latter phenomenon.

Unpunished Corruption

In recent years, Nepal has been a victim of rampant corruption. A parliamentary probe in April this year uncovered an embezzlement of Nepalese Rs.14 billion in the construction of Pokhara International Airport by a Chinese company. The project was built with a soft loan from China. There are also reports suggesting the nexus among the politicians, government officials, and the construction companies in misutilising the loans taken from the Exim Bank of China for development projects. The leader of the main opposition party, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, has also accused the K P Sharma Oli government of working as a protective barrier for corrupt individuals. As foreign funding and the loans meant for development initiatives are reportedly siphoned away, several development projects have been stalled. To make the situation worse, in recent years, Nepal has also been experiencing setbacks in getting foreign funding. Accordingly, corruption, misgovernance, and the drying up of foreign funding have directly contributed to massive unemployment and rising inequality in Nepal.

Unemployment and Inequality

According to the Nepal Living Standard survey, 2024, the unemployment rate has gone up to 12.6 percent in 2024. The Survey highlights that while 32.4 percent of Nepal’s population is employed, 62.9 percent of the total population is not in the labour force, and 4.7 percent is unemployed. As successive governments have not been able to offer employment opportunities, there has been massive labour migration from Nepal to foreign countries. According to a government report, in 2024, 7,41,000 people left Nepal in search of jobs outside. It is also important to mention here that the remittances that these migrant Nepalese send contribute substantially to Nepal’s economy. According to an update by the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the remittance inflows have gone up by 19.2 percent to Nepalese Rs.1,723.27 billion in fiscal year 2024-25 as compared to a 16.5 percent rise in fiscal year 2023-24. While the remittances contribute heavily to the economy, the governance paralysis and the inability and indifference of successive governments in creating employment opportunities have contributed to public outrage in Nepal. In this regard, the government’s decision to ban social media triggered outrage as it was perceived to be isolating migrant Nepalis from their families back home.

Conclusion

The youth protest stands as a testimony to the failure of a hard-earned democracy in Nepal. The political elite have contributed substantially to jeopardising the hopes and aspirations of the people of Nepal. Despite the fall of the regime, the three major political parties remain unwilling to accept the dissolution of the parliament and the appointment of an interim Prime Minister. Their reluctance to loosen their grip on the national politics has fuelled concerns that Nepal may soon witness another flare-up of political unrest. Unless new political forces stake their claims, the existing political elites have every chance of return to power. Although the youth continue to enjoy popular support, much will depend on voting behaviour in the upcoming elections. Given the lack of experience and absence of an organised structure in the new political forces in Nepal, there are high chances that the established political parties will attempt to exploit the electoral process to their advantage.  However, even if the existing political elites manage to hold on to power, the present protest will have worked as a wake-up call.

The political developments in Nepal put India in a difficult situation as it seeks to balance its engagement with the emerging power structures in the neighbourhood. While India remains politically stable, underpinned by strong institutions, uninterrupted democracy and robust economic growth, it continues to grapple with the challenge of navigating between non-interference and indifference in dealing with its troubled neighbours. 

---

About the Author: Dr. Anshuman Behera is a Professor in the Conflict Resolution and Peace Research Programme at the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore (India).